Baja Mining Boom of The 1870s

Baja Mining Boom of The 1870s Preface The Baja mining boom of the 1870’s is a subject that has not been extensively explored. Little has been written on this topic making literature work on the event limited consequently the event has appeared as if it never had any importance. It is for this reason that the subject was chosen for this paper. The writing of this paper relied on the limited available resources to discuss the history of the Baja mining boom as well as its impacts.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Baja Mining Boom of The 1870’s specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Introduction Mining refers to the extraction of minerals from under the earth’s surface. Minerals such as gold, copper diamond among others are some of the most popular mined elements. In the process of mining, people explore the underground in search for these elements in a process that involves digging deep into the underground. This paper seeks to discuss the Baja mining boom that took place in the second half of the nineteenth century. The paper will look into its causes as well the effects that it had on people’s lives. Baja California mining boom of the 1870’s The history of mining in Baja stems from the wars that took place in Mexico in the middle of the nineteenth century. During this war, a gold rush phenomenon took place exposing foreigners to a possibility of precious minerals in the region. The local population were previously aware of the existing minerals but were rather not informed of the value that could be attributed to such minerals. The locals thus mined and used such minerals as gold in the same manner as they handled other minerals like quartz whose value is lowly considered. The war, through gold rush, then exposed the existence of the valued minerals to foreign states that were then attracted to the region for the exploration of the minerals. It is the arrival of foreign miners from count ries such as the United States among others that enlightened the local residents of the importance and economic value of such minerals as gold which were lying in their land unexploited. The initial mining exercise attracted miners from regions that included the United States among other countries. The relation between the mining and the Mexican war therefore establishes the history of the mining to have originated from about the middle of the nineteenth century. The culmination of the Mexican war in the year 1848 was almost immediately followed by the explorations. Foreign miners flooded the then discovered Baja mines and eventually led to the exhaustion of the mineral resources in these mines. Foreign miners then left the region as they had no more business in an already resource depleted land (Taylor 1).Advertising Looking for research paper on history? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Discoveries into new mines we re later made and intense mining resumed in the southern regions of Baja. The mining and trade in the minerals led to the establishment of an economic centre along a route path that resulted from the mining and trade of minerals. The activities at the discovered mines greatly increased to an extent that military forces had to be deployed to the mining regions to protect the resources and the miners as well as control illegal trade that would characterize smuggling of the mined minerals to other countries’ black markets. The period of the years of 1870s and 1980s saw a tremendous increase in mining activities in the region that led to convergence of a population and establishment of a town in the region. The later discovery after the initial depletion of gold mines developed to a mining boom that was experienced in the years of 1870s and 1880s in the regions of Baja (Taylor 1). Causes of the Baja mining boom The development and later explosion into boom of mining activities in Baja was catalyzed by a number of factors. With the mining activity being traced to the earlier war of the mid nineteenth century, the particular war can be credited to the establishment, development and later explosion of the mining activity. It was during this war that the foreign community was exposed to the existence of gold resources in the region. Advances were then made as foreigners flooded the region to explore and mine the resources. This inflow of foreign miners into Baja had in itself a number of implications to the mining process in the region (Michael, William and Susan 1). The immigration brought in people who were experts in mining mineral resources and had international expertise on the area of mining. With vast experience from their countries and technical skills and knowledge in mining, the mining process in Baja was bound to positively respond to the sufficient and efficient labor supply that the region experienced. The increased number of miners in the region a lso reflected an increased quantity of minerals that could be obtained from the region’s mining. The inflow of foreign miners that increased the number of miners as well as improved technologies used in mining contributed to the increased output realized from Baja mines which later resulted in the region’s mining boom (Taylor 1).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Baja Mining Boom of The 1870’s specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Even though Baja hosted a number of foreigners long before the nineteenth century, mining of gold into a considerable boom was not experienced until in the late years of the century. Europeans were for example in the region by the early years of the sixteenth century but they never explored the mining possibilities in Baja. One of the major factors into the development of mining in Baja which later culminated into a boom was the discovery of the minerals. The conside red boom was that of gold and other minerals in the region. The mining must have started as a small scale activity as the market and even the value of the minerals were not yet identified by the natives of the land who never took financial considerations over the minerals. The discovery of the minerals can be understood in a number of ways. First is the actual discovery of the existence of the minerals in Baja. This was however done by the natives long before the war that took place just before the middle of the nineteenth century. The native discovered and mined the resources though they did not attach much of economic value to the minerals. This fostered the conservation of the resources as there were no forces to drive the exploitation of the resources to depletion. The next element of the discovery of the minerals was the exposure of the international community to the vast mineral deposits that were in Baja (Baldwin 1). Following the war that took place in the region in the year 1848, foreign communities got to know of the existence of gold reserves in the region. This discovery by foreigners who also had knowledge of the economic value that minerals such as gold are attached to, fuelled the movement of people from other states and countries into the region of Baja in order to extract gold and earn money from the process. This further led to the discovery of the economic value of gold by the natives who had been illiterate concerning the matter. The knowledge of the existence of gold and other minerals together with economic value of gold and desire for money among the natives then drove them into the search for gold in the mines. Economic attachment being an incentive, miners concentrated in the benefits of their mass productivity yielding an outstanding gold mining in the region of Baja in the forth quarter of the nineteenth century resulting in the boom. Another factor that led to the mining boom in Baja in the late nineteenth century was the existence of foreign companies in the region by that time. These companies had established developments in the region, a fact that had attracted a considerable population into the region. This population, coupled with the influx of foreign miners into the area provided vast labor that was required for the full exploitation of the resources in the mines. The series of discoveries of different information that pertained to the minerals as well as the converged population of natives and foreigners in Baja were therefore significant causes of the boom in mining that was experienced in the region in the nineteenth century (Baldwin 1).Advertising Looking for research paper on history? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Economic impacts of the boom The establishment and development of mining in Baja was in itself an economic activity. It was also coupled with a large number of other activities that had economic value. The establishment of mines in regions of Baja resulted in polled populations that led to formation of towns around the mines. These populations were majorly people who sort work at the mines in the search for gold and other minerals. The development of mining in the region therefore created employment opportunities for people and its further boom led to increased employment opportunities or even increased incomes of miners and other stake holders in the mining industry in the region. The mine together with its boom thus had the impact of economically benefiting the immediate population of Baja through direct employment. The boom which seemingly popularized mining in the region also led to a wide spread of mining activities in the region of Baja. It is reported that â€Å"by the end o f the nineteenth century, gold was mined from several places† (Minnich and Vizcaino 109) in the region of Baja. This means that the boom in mining that was experienced in Baja in the years of 1870s stimulated further exploration of mining opportunities in the region. As a result, the Baja boom is seen to have initiated further economic activities through further explorations into mining opportunities. With these expanded mining sites in terms of numbers of mines, the boom can be considered to have facilitated economic activities in the regions Baja. This also translated to increased employment opportunities and established increased incomes for miners (Minnich and Vizcaino 109). The expansion of mining that followed the boost also meant the expansion of complementary activities to mining. Processes associated with mining such as â€Å"smelting, running stamps, pumps and ore crushers† (Taylor 1) were also to be on the increase. All these processes were energy dependent a nd used wood as a source of that energy. The implication is that the demand for wood to be used as a source of fuel increased in Baja. There was therefore another induced economic activity that was then fuelled by the boost in mining. There were also therefore associated increased employment opportunities as more suppliers and harvesters were needed to meet the increased demand for wood by the mining industry (Taylor 1). There is a general trend that is always realized in the mining industry when it comes to the output level that can be obtained from a given area or territory. It also follows from principles of economics that an increase in supply of a commodity will have economic impacts to other elements that surround the subject commodity. The mining boom that was realized in Baja meant that the output level of minerals that were extracted from the region realized a significant increase in quantity. This increase in the level of production of minerals such as gold and copper amon g others had direct impacts on the entities or individuals that owned or controlled the mines, the people who worked in the mines as well as the entire region in which the mining boom was realized. Though the timing of the minerals might be different, the economic principles remain the same as pertains to the effects that such booms pose to the environment. Though mining booms are characterized by a number of negative side effects such as displacements, it also caries with itself a number of benefits to those who are directly involved in the mining activities. One of the positive effects of a mining boom is the increased amount of labor that is absorbed into the mines in order to extract the minerals. Increased discovery of more mines in Baja opened ways for more people to be employed in the new mines that were realized as well as absorbing more people in mines that proved to be richer in the minerals. Consequently, more employment opportunities were created for people in the event of increased capacity of mines. The increased number of employment opportunities coupled with increased income for miners then had an impact on the general economic status and living standard of the people who worked in the mines as well as their immediate dependants. The boom in the Baja region also had an impact on the territorial management of affairs as well as the region’s income. After the onset of the boom for example, military personnel were sent into the mining regions in order to protect the territory’s mining generated income from smuggling of the minerals into the neighboring countries. The government’s move to send its forces for the protection of the mining regions was an indicator of the government’s vested interest in the mineral resources that were being extracted from its territory (Taylor 1). The government’s interest in an economic activity is derived from the activity’s general impact on the territory’s overall po pulation. A boost in any economic activity such as the Baja mining always have general effects like increased income for people in general terms as a result of increased productivity levels. This is normally transmitted into increased level of expenditure. The general economy thus experiences a boost in terms of cash flow in the economy as well as the per capita income and expenditure (Rolfe et al. 142). Economic boosts were also derived from the revenues that government obtained from income earners in the mining industry. Increased income level for workers in the Baja mines implied that the government was entitled to increased taxes from these people, assuming the pay as you earn system of taxation model. The increased payments that were made by mining companies to workers, contractors or agencies in the mining sector were reflected in the government tax department (Rolfe et al. 142). As a result of the boom, the mining companies experienced increased output of minerals which was s imilarly reflected on the companies’ revenues. These increased revenues were then consequently reflected in the taxes that were collected by the government. The mining boom in Baja in the late nineteenth century was thus characterized with benefits that were experienced by individuals who engaged in the mining as well as the entire community of Baja (Rolfe et al. 143). Environmental impacts of the mining boom The establishment and expansion of mining in Baja that eventually culminated into the boom also had environmental effects on the region. The use of wood in the processes of mining and processing of the mined minerals was, for example, reflected on the region’s environment. The usage exerted more pressure on trees which were cut in order to provide wood for the mining processes. The rate of degradation of the environment must have thus increased with the increase in the level of mining in the region. This increased cutting of trees was therefore in the first place harmful to the environment. This practice of cutting of trees especially in a relatively large scale also has secondary effects apart from the direct destruction of trees. One of the secondary impacts of the cutting of trees is the disturbance that is caused to inhabitants of the forest based environments. Wild animals such as lions, giraffes, monkeys among others depend on the vegetation first as their source of shelter then as their source of food. Destruction of such vegetation in the name of sourcing for wood for mining processes therefore induced a threat to the survival of these animals. Extreme unsafe exposure of animals can have an effect on their existence. The cutting down of trees as a result of the mining boom also had the direct secondary impact of deforestation. The increased level of mining following the boom induced an increased rate of tree cutting in the region and its environment thereby causing an established level of deforestation. Consequently, impacts of defor estation such as reduced levels of rainfall and further exposure of soil to erosion were thus results of the mining boom. Drought and wind erosion were therefore bound to occur in the region as a consequence of the mining (Minnich and Vizcaino 109). Mining booms in any particular place also have a general impact of displacement from the exact mining region. Mining entails the physical exploration of land which is in most cases taken to the underground as further search for the mineral resources are made deeper into the earth’s underground. This implies an immediate total destruction of all features that existed on the ground surface of the region in which mining is to be undertaken. As a result, there would be complete removal of the ground cover as well as the displacement of human beings as well as animals that lived in the region prior to the commencement or expansion of mining as a result of a boom. This implies migration of people from their original homes in the mining areas to new habitats in search of shelter. Such displacements can be translated into congestion in other regions which would then mean poor living standards caused by overcrowded social amenities. Animals on the other hand can be endangered by such displacements if they fail to identify a suitable place in which their feeding and survival habits can adjust to. Also directly associated with the survival of human beings and animals is the destruction of the environment which is a source food to both human beings and animals. Such was the case as realized in Mongolia following a coal mining boom in the area. There were a lot of complains from people who were against the issue of expansion of mines on the grounds of the impacts that such expansion would cause to the people and their animals. About half of the population in Mongolia was reported to have been against the expansion of mines in the region following a mining boost. Displacement of people from their homes can have the impact of nomadic lifestyle especially to people who for one reason or another fail to settle after they are displaced by the boom in mining (Guardian 1). Conclusion Mining in regions of Baja started earlier than the mid nineteenth century. The war that took place at the time then exposed the existence of mineral resources to international community, some of whom had known the economic benefits that these minerals could yield. Consequently, miners infiltrated the region and discovery of mines led to the later boom. The boom however brought with it a number of both positive and negative effects. Baldwin, Margaret. Memories of early days in Baja California. San Diego History, n.d. Web. Guardian. Mongolia’s wilderness threatened by mining boom. Guardian, 2011. Web. Michael, Meyer, William, Sherman and Susan, Deeds. The Course of Mexican History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Print. Minnich, Richard and Vizcaino, Ernesto. Land of chamise and pines: historical accounts and c urrent status of northern Baja Californias vegetation. California: University of California Press, 1998. Print. Rolfe et al. Lessons from the social and economic impacts of the mining boom in the Bowen Basin 2004-2005. Anzrsai, 2007. Web. Taylor, Lawrence. The mining boom in Baja California from 1850 to 1890 and the emergence of Tijuana as a border community. Jstor, 2001. Web.

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Defining Rural Literacies The term rural literacies can conjure up a variety of images-that of a young woman teaching students of mixed ages and grades in the one-room schoolhouse, a farm wife mending socks or preparing meals by the fireside, the farmer working in bucolic fields, or the racism and bigotry of small-town rednecks. Many of the images rural literacies bring to mind, positive and negative, are based on established stereotypes and inaccuracies about rural people and what counts as literacy or a misguided understanding of the sameness of rural populations (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007, 2012; Green Corbett, 2015). Understanding how rural literacies are defined and operationalized can offer an avenue for getting beyond stereotypical thinking about rural places and reconstructing new rural literacies to confront global change. There is lack of scholarly work around rural education and literacy studies (Brooke, 2003; Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007, 2012; Green Corbett, 2015). 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Environmental factors, including fracking, strip mining, clear cutting, unsustainable hunting and fishing practices, and corporate farming, further alter rural landscapes (Tieken, 2014). Population demographics are shifting as well, with 80% of nonmetropolitan growth between 2000 and 2010 resulting from an influx of racial and ethnic minorities (Johnson, 2012). The proportion of white rural residents is dropping while the Hispanic population rises (Tieken, 2014). Outmigration experienced in some rural communities as young people leave to seek perceived economic and social benefits (Carr Kefalas, 2009; Corbett, 2007) and influx of baby boomer retirees (Cromartie Nelson, 2009) further contributes to a changed rural America. The question of how rural literacies are defined and operationalized in a globalized world is the focus of this paper. Green and Corbett (2015) explain, Rural literacies are multiple, mutable, and mobile, and ever relational. 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Woodhouse and Knapp (2000) identified five characteristics of place-conscious learning: 1) learning emerges from characteristics of place, 2) learning is multidisciplinary, 3) learning is experiential, 4) learning connects place with individuals and their communities, and 5) learning is designed to educate, and potentially offer solutions to, problems in their communities. Place-conscious pedagogy in relation to rural literacies allows for a valuing of rural literacies that simultaneously foster a deep connection to place and identify those aspects that may require action for local sustainability. Considering rural literacies with regard to place-conscious pedagogy allows for viewing rural literacies with an eye towards sustainability and relevance rather than seeing rural literacies from a deficit perspective. 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Gee (2010a) writes, follow the social, cultural, institutional, and historical organization of people (whatever you call them) first and then see how literacy is taken up and used in these organizations, along with action, interaction, values, and tools and technologies (p. 5). The sustainability of rural life requires a variety of literate behaviors from rural resid ents revolving around how to make decisions about growth and change in rural communities (Collins Blot, 2003), and examining these literacies can guide educators in understanding to what extent the texts produced in rural settings are representative of rural cultures. Rural as a Field of Study Rurality as a field of study has been debated throughout United States history, and a recent literature review of the rural school problem by Biddle and Azano (2016) documents, in part, the evolution of thinking around rurality as a field of study. These authors found that researchers, educators, and reformers have fluctuated in their focus on rurality as a field of study over the past 100 years. Green and Corbett (2015) argue for the current imperative for rural studies, writing, The question of (dis)advantage is crucial here. Thinking through the relations between space and equity, education and poverty, literacy and social justice, is clearly a matter of some urgency. Addressing the rural in these terms is crucial (p. 5). Rurality is often characterized as the other, different from the norm. This characterization stems from a long history of stereotyping and stigmatizing of rural peoples. Beginning in the 19th Century, publications spoke of the backwardness of rural life and people while advocating for the sophistication of city life (Theobold Wood, 2010). This idea of rural people as lacking education and sophistication continues to be seen in modern television shows like My Big Fat Redneck Wedding or My Name is Earl. Recognizing the complexity of rurality, confronting and critically examining stereotypes, and conceptualizing rural literacies in a globalized world is important for the sustainability of rural places and for rurality as a field of study. Difficulties in Defining Rural Literacies Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2007) explain that, in their attempts to define rural literacies for their book of the same name, they could not find a specific definition in literacy research. Part of the difficulty in defining rural literacies arises from the complex, differing, and broad definitions of their component parts. Because the words rural and literacy are loaded terms with multiple definitions offered, it becomes challenging to concretely define rural literacies. The following sections describe the complications in defining the terms rural and literacy and thereby the difficulty in defining rural literacies. Defining Rural Many people can offer definitions for the term rural; however, these definitions are usually vague and varied from person to person. The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) acknowledges this incongruity, stating, For some, rural is a state of mind. For others, rural is an objective quantitative measure. (Reynnells, 2016, para. 1). Quantitatively, rural is defined by what it is not-namely, anything that is not urban or suburban is rural. The United States General Accounting Office Fact Sheet for Congressional Requesters (1993) states, Metro/urban areas can be defined using several criteria. Once this is done, nonmetro/rural is then defined by exclusion any area that is not metro/urban is nonmetro/rural (para. 1). In general, rural is determined quantitatively by using population numbers and/or analysis of amount of open countryside (Reynnells, 2016). The most common Federal definitions of rural come from the Department of Commerces Bureau on the Census, the White Houses Office of B udget and Management, and the USDAs Economic Research Service. In choosing a particular definition, the USDA advises selecting based on the purpose of the activity on which the definition is based (Reynnells, 2016). Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2012) suggest that these demographic methods of defining rural as anything not urban lead to the homogenization of rural people as the other while elevating urban and suburban to the norm. It is a mistake to regard rural America as homogeneous as the myth of rural homogeneity masks underlying diversity among the people who have historically lived in the American countryside (Davis Marema, 2008, para. 9). While many people may think of rural America as made up of primarily white, working and middle class individuals, the proportion of white rural residents is decreasing while minority populations, particularly the Hispanic population, are growing (Housing Assistance Council, 2012). Definitions of rurality should acknowledge the complexity and diversity of rural populations. Rural can also be understood as a way of identifying oneself or a group. People may identify themselves or others as rural regardless of their current location. In other words, someone can live outside of a rural area and still identify themselves as rural. Howley (2009) relates that it is the meanings associated with rural life and community, not geography or demographics, that qualifies rurality. It is, therefore, important to define rural not only geographically and demographically, but culturally as well (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007, 2012; Tieken, 2014). Defining Literacy Like the term rural, the term literacy also conjures up a variety of definitions from the basic, functional skills required for reading and writing to knowledge in a specified area, i.e. digital literacy or country music literacy. The literacy valued in todays schools is typically constrained to a back to basics mentality advocating systematic reading instruction (Edmondson, 2006). Cook-Gumperz (1986) suggests that a standardized notion of literacy tied to schooling leads to a belief that what counts as literacy is that which can be assessed, measured, and compared to the norm. This version of standardized, systematic literacy, it is argued, ignores the context in which literacy occurs. Others argue for broader definitions of literacy which encompass more than grapho-phonic relationships and traditional texts (Cope and Kalantzis, 2009; Gee, 2004; Lankshear and Knobel, 2007; New London Group, 1996). Green and Corbett (2013) suggest that a range in what constitutes literacy is to be we lcomed as it conjures up possibilities for new realizations and articulations of literacy, rurality, and education and helps in rethinking the [] literacy practices of the school, and thereby in enriching both praxis and inquiry (p. 4). Defining Rural Literacies The broad and differing definitions of the terms rural and literacy help to explain the difficulty in defining rural literacies. Any definition of rural literacies should elucidate the role and significance of literacy practices for (and perhaps unique to) rural communities while also acknowledging the diversity of different ruralities and the complex nature of a globalized society. Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2007) propose a definition for rural literacies that takes into account the rural context and has as its goal the sustainability of rural areas when they define rural literacies as the particular kinds of literate skills needed to achieve the goal of sustaining life in rural areas (p. 4). Their concept of sustainability stems from the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development definition, which defined sustainability as the ability to meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (Donehower, Hogg, Schell , 2007, p. 4). This definition has guided how rural literacies have been operationalized, which will be discussed next. Conceptualizations of Rural Literacies In reviewing literature on rural literacies, it became evident that no fixed qualities exemplify rural literacies. In part, this is because the diversity and breadth of rural areas precludes a concrete definition. The particular literacy practices valued in one rural area may not be those valued in another area. Three broad conceptualizations of rural literacies, however, have been offered by scholars (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007; Edmondson, 2003; Eppley, 2013). Although scholars have not referred to these conceptualizations by the same terms, they can be synthesized under the categories: traditional rural literacies, neoliberal or modern rural literacies, and new or postmodern rural literacies (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007; Edmondson, 2003; Eppley, 2013). Traditional Rural Literacies Both Edmondson (2003) and Eppely (2010) refer to their first category of rural literacies as traditional literacies. Traditional rural literacies reflect a nostalgia for the past that is read in opposition to the conditions of todays modern life. Often idealized, traditional rural literacies envision a simpler, more moral life strongly connected to place and attached to the land (Edmondson, 2003). These literacies advocate a return to so-called glory days as a way to solve the problems of modern rural life. Dominant traditional rural literacies are based on the ideal of the family farm- rural families making their living off the land and stoic farmers characterized by a belief in taking care of their own (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007, Edmondson, 2003; Eppely, 2013). In traditional literacies, the farm and its land are symbolic of the very best way to be American; yet this dominant understanding of traditional rural literacies is misguided and ignores the fact that not all tradition al rural literacies are agrarian (Eppely, 2013, p. 81). In fact, small farms have been radically changed due to globalization. Of the 60 million people who reside in rural areas, less than 2% earn their primary living through farming (USDA, 2012); yet, for many people, the ideal of the farm still exemplifies rural America. Preservation of rural culture is typically offered as the solution to modern rural problems by those who envision rural literacies as primarily traditional. Preservationists recognize rural culture as something apart from urban life and see the need to preserve its difference (Shapiro, 1978). In schools, oral history projects and other preservation projects which isolate the particularities of rurality are often used as a way to educate students concerning traditional rural literacies and as a way to preserve the past (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007). While these types of projects which educate students about traditional rural literacies can be beneficial, Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2007) caution teaching traditional literacies with an eye only toward preservation. They write, We must interrogate the source of our desires to preserve rural places and be ever-conscious of the danger that lies in preservationist models that seek to make of rural places a monolithic symbol of a collective American heritage for those who live in urban and suburban areas, rather than vital and diverse communities that can adapt to economic and demographic shifts. Preservationist projects that seek to turn rural communities into museums essentially ensure that those communities cease to exist, as no one actually lives in a museum. (p. 44) Giroux (2004) advocates using public memory not as a museum to cultural perfection but as an opportunity to critique and debate the complexities of that memory. Modern or Neoliberal Rural Literacies Another way to conceptualize rural literacies is what Edmondson (2003) terms neoliberal rural literacies and Eppely (2010) describes as modern rural literacies. Modern/Neoliberal literacies see a rural way of life as ill-equipped to meet the needs of people in a global economy (Edmondson, 2003; Eppely, 2010). Mass production, efficiency, and neoliberal principles should characterize rural life where rural communities are seen as vehicles for reducing production costs. Agribusiness, free market logic, and capitalism are king while literacy is reduced to a generalizable set of practical skills necessary for economic participation as employee or consumer (Eppely, 2010, p. 85). Neoliberalism/modernism, then, insinuates that education for life in place is not sufficient for rural students, and the solution to the inadequacy of rural communities is to modernize rural education (Edmondson, 2003; Shapiro, 1978). Local literacies are disregarded in the face of standardization, and the purpose of public education is narrowed to ensure American economic success in a global economy (Eppely, 2010). Shafft and Jackson (2015) write, public education serves the economic imperative of capitalism by severing attachment to place and producing mobile, adaptable youth flexibly responsive to changing labor market conditions (p. 2). Green (2013) writes that the idea that location plays no part in the delivery of instruction leads to contemporary arguments that introducing new digital technology into schooling overcomes many of the difficulties and disadvantages of rural education (p. 20). Technology is seen as a way to solve many of the inadequacies of rural schools despite s trong assertions that place matters. Standardization removes from local school systems the ability to define what constitutes as literacy for their communities, and neoliberal/modern interpretations of rural literacies do not allow the opportunity for local places to determine how rural literacies can best be enacted to sustain local communities. New or Postmodern Rural Literacies The inadequacies of traditional and modern or neoliberal rural literacies in encapsulating contemporary rural literacies necessitates a third conceptualization of rural literacies in a globalized world. A new conceptualization, termed new (Edmondson, 2003) or postmodern (Eppely, 2010) rural literacies, has been suggested that proposes ways of understanding literacy as a resource for democratic citizenship that shapes the potential for rural communities to experience the economic prosperity, environmental protection, and social equity desired to make rural communities sustainable places (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007, p. 12). The key to this conceptualization is the idea of sustaining rural places rather than preserving an ideal rural culture or modernizing rural places so they resemble urban and suburban areas. An important understanding of sustainability is that economic systems are interlinked-the consumer practices of urban and suburban people affect rural communities (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007). Postmodern rural literacy practices enable people to critically examine their communities, including taken for granted truths about rural people and life, and communicate with others both their potential and limitations (Eppely, 2010). Postmodern rural literacies also allow for critique of modern assumptions that new is always better (Edmondson, 2003). Rural literacies become a tool for citizens to deconstruct and critique their own literacy practices to determine how they want to live together. Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2007) write, rural people can and do make conscious, informed choices among different alternatives for practicing and valuing reading and writing, acknowledging literacys important functions in navigating the complex economic and social realities of rural life (p. 68). Defining and understanding new or postmodern rural literacies is essential in shaping relationships both inside rural communities and with the outside world. This conceptualization acknowledges multiple forms of rural literacies and encourages Add more here about Prairie Town identification among rural, urban, and suburban citizens. In Prairie Town, Edmondson (2003) advocate for a critical public pedagogy that questions and renegotiates the relationships among rural, urban, and suburban people in order to sustain rural communities (__). Instead of placing rural, suburban, and urban communities in opposition to one another, new rural literacies enable examining the ways literate practices can connect communities and ensure a sustainable future for everyone (Donehower, Hogg, Schell, 2007). Conclusion It is a myth that rural literacies are based solely on traditional models of literacy. Examining the literature on rural literacies shows the complexity of literate practices in rural communities that reflect a mixture of traditional, modern or neoliberal, and postmodern or new rural literacies. Rurality is not defined by images of a one-room schoolhouse, a farm wife mending socks, a farmer working in bucolic fields, or an uneducated hillbilly. The realities of rural literacies are that they are complex, multiple, and evolving in relation to a globalized world. As Donehower, Hogg, and Schell (2007) conclude, the phrase rural literacies should suggest reading and writing as social action that supports and sustains diverse communities trying to cope with complex, often interlinked economic, social, cultural, and environmental issues (p. 193). Rural literacies research that addresses these issues and contributes in the ability of rural communities to address these issues is essential. References Azano, A.P. (2015). Addressing the rural context in literacies research. Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 59(3), 267-269. Biddle, C., Azano, A.P. (2016). Constructing and reconstructing the rural school problem: A century of rural education research. Review of Research in Education, 40, 298-325. Bonanno, A., Constance, D.H. (2003). The global/local interface. In D.L. Brown and L.E. Swanson, eds., Challenges for rural America in the twenty-first century, 241-251. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Press. Brooke, R. (2003). Rural voices: Place-conscious education and the teaching of writing. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Carr, P.J., Kefalas, M.J. (2010). Hallowing out the middle: The rural brain drain and what it means for America. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Cope, B. Kalantzis, M. (2009). Multiliteracies: New literacies, new learning. Pedagogies: An International Journal, 4, 164-195. Corbett, M. (2008). Learning to leave: The irony of schooling in a coastal community. Black Point, Nova Scotia, Canada: Fernwood. Cromartie, J., Nelson, P. (2009). Baby Boom Migration and Its Impact on Rural America. Retrieved from USDA website: https://www.ers.usda.gov/webdocs/publications/ err79/9346_err79_1_.pdf Davis, D., Marema, T. (2008). A rural perspective. Grantmakers in the Arts, 19(3). Retrieved from http://www.giarts.org/article/rural-perspective Donehower, K., Hogg, C., Schell, E.E. (2007). Rural literacies. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press. Donehower, K., Hogg, C., Schell, E.E. (2012). Reclaiming the rural: Essays on literacy, rhetoric, and pedagogy. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press. Edmondson, J. (2003). Prairie Town: Redefining rural life in the age of globalization. Lanham, MD: Rowman Littlefield. Eppley, K. (2013). My roots dip deep: Literacy practices as mirrors of traditional, modern, and postmodern ruralities. In Green, B. Corbett, M. (Eds.) Rethinking rural literacies: A transnational perspective. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Eppely, K., Corbett, M. (2012). Ill see that when I believe it: A dialogue on epistemological difference and rural literacies. Journal of Research in Rural Education, 27(1/2), 1-9. Gee, J. P. (2004). Situated language and learning: A Critique of traditional schooling. London: Routledge. Gee J. P. (2010a). A situated-sociocultural approach to literacy and technology. In Baker E. (Ed.), The new literacies: Multiple perspectives on research and practice (pp. 165-193). New York: Guilford. Gee, J.P. (2010b). New digital media and learning as an emerging area and worked examples as one way forward. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Giroux, H.A. (2004). Cultural studies, public pedagogy, and the responsibility of intellectuals. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 1(1), 59-79. Green, B., Corbett, M. (2015). Rethinking rural literacies: A transnational perspective. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Housing Assistance Council. (2012). The rural data portal report: Demographic data, 2010. Retrieved from Housing Assistance Council website: www.ruraldataportal.org/ search.aspx Johnson, K.M. (2012). Rural demographic change in the new century: Slower growth, increased diversity (Issue Brief No. 44). Retrieved from scholars.unh.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi? article=1158context=carsey Lankshear, C., Knobel, M. (2007). Sampling the new in new literacies. In Knobel, M., Lankshear, C. (Eds.) A new literacies sampler (pp. 1-24). New York, NY: Peter Lang. New London Group. (1996). A pedagogy of multiliteracies: Designing social futures. Harvard Educational Review, 66(1), 60-89. Pyles, D.G. (2016). Rural media literacy: Youth documentary videomaking as rural literacy practice. Journal of Research in Rural Education, 31(7), 1-15. Reynnells, L. (2016). What is rural? Retrieved from United States Department of Agriculture website: www.nal.usda.gov/ric/what-is-rural Schafft, K.A., Jackson, A.Y. (2010). 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Learning to be rural: Identity lessons from history, schooling, and the U.S. corporate media. In K. A. Schafft A. Y. Jackson (Eds.), Rural education for the twenty-à ¯Ã‚ ¬Ã‚ rst centur

Politics of Belize :: Essays on Politics

Politics of Belize The political system of Belize is fairly new. Belize gained its independence from Britain on September 21, 1981, and the Constitution of Belize was born with this newly autonomous state. Since its independence, Belize has remained a commonwealth of the British Monarch and owes allegiance to the queen of England. Belize's government is modeled after the British Parliamentary system. Although the country of Belize has been independent from Britain since 1981, the Caribbean country maintains many of the British practices and procedures in its political, governmental and judicial systems. The Federal Parliamentary government of Belize is comprised of two unified branches of government: the executive and the legislative branches. The Prime Minister and the cabinet make up the executive branch. They are chosen from the majority party in the Lower House of the legislature. The Prime Minister is the head of the cabinet. A governor-general, appointed by the United Kingdom monarch also possesses some appointing power in Parliament. The governor-general is an extension of the Royal Family, and his/her duties are rather superficial and more of a formality. According to Latin America Profiled, the UK appointed Governor-General of Belize is Sir Colville Young. Said Musa is the Prime Minister and Minister of Finance and Foreign Affairs of the Belize's Parliament. Those who Prime Minister Musa appointed to his cabinet include: George Price, John Briceno, Ralph Fonseca, Josà © Coye, Maxwell Samuels, Cordel Hyde, Richard "Dickie" Bradley, Marcial Mes, Garcà ­a Balderamose Oolores, Ruben Campos, Jorge Espat, Godfrey Smith, and B.Q. Pitts as the Speaker. This cabinet works on projects ranging from foreign affairs, hea lthcare, to civil society agendas. These representatives are chosen because of their experience and their party identification. It is expected that these officials will produce results, which are conducive to the opinions of the constituents, as well as to the loyalty of their party. A bicameral National Assembly forms the legislative branch of Parliament. The two branches of this bicameral body are called the House of Representatives and the Senate. There are twenty-nine elected members in the House of Representatives and eight appointed members in the Senate. Administrators in the House of Representatives are elected by universal suffrage. Five of the officials of the Senate are appointed by the governor-general on the advice of the Prime Minister, two by the leader of the less powerful party and one by the Belize Advisory Council.